All posts by Chris Schmidt

Opinions: Sports Betting, Admissions of Guilt, and Rental Cars

The Term’s final stretch is here, and the Court is releasing opinions every Monday. (At some point in June, it will probably begin releasing opinions on Thursdays as well, and perhaps on other days.) On Monday, May 14th, the Court released five opinions dealing with issues as disparate as lawyers who concede their clients’ guilt, who has a right to privacy in a rental car, and the legality of sports betting. (ISCOTUS co-director Carolyn Shapiro discussed several of them on WGN’s Legal Face-Off.)

McCoy v. Louisiana

The Court ordered a new trial in McCoy v. Louisiana, a capital murder case in which the defendant’s counsel, in the hopes of avoiding a death sentence, admitted that the defendant had killed the victims, despite the defendant’s express objections. Robert McCoy was charged with of first degree murder in the deaths of the mother, stepfather, and son of his estranged wife. McCoy’s lawyer, Larry English, urged McCoy to take a guilty plea; McCoy refused, continuing to maintain his innocence. Then, two weeks before the trial, English told McCoy that he intended to admit that Mr. McCoy had killed the victims, a move that McCoy emphatically opposed. At trial, English in fact “conceded McCoy’s role in the killings” both in his opening and closing arguments, arguing for second degree murder. McCoy expressly objected to this strategy, and exercised his right to testify during the trial that he was innocent and present his alibi at the time of the murders. Ultimately, the jury found McCoy guilty of first degree murder and sentenced him to death.

In a 6-3 opinion written by Justice Ginsburg, the Court held that, unlike strategic decisions that serve to achieve a client’s objectives, the decision to assert innocence is one for the client to make – it is his choice about what his actual objectives are. The Court further clarified that because McCoy did not make an admission that he intended to commit perjury in asserting his innocence, nor did English doubt that such an assertion would be truthful, English’s actions in going against his client’s wish to profess innocence violated McCoy’s right to autonomy under the Sixth Amendment. The Court emphasized  McCoy’s fundamental right to make his own decisions about how to proceed with his defense, and that a jury is almost certain to be swayed by a lawyer who admits his own client’s guilt. The dissent, written by Justice Alito and joined by Justices Thomas and Gorsuch, argued that English did not admit that McCoy was guilty of first-degree murder, but that he was guilty of committing one element of the offenses charged with (the actus reus: killing the victims) but not the other (the mens rea: intent). Slate and the Cato Institute praise the majority’s ruling, and the Washington Post provides more background.

Byrd v. United States

A second criminal case, Byrd v. United States asked whether a driver has a reasonable expectation of privacy in a rental car when he has the permission of the renter to drive the car but the rental agreement does not have that person listed as an authorized driver. If so, the driver can assert a Fourth Amendment claim related to the search.

Terrence Byrd was stopped at a checkpoint when he was driving a car that his girlfriend had rented. After searching the car, alleging that they had obtained Byrd’s consent and thus had probable cause (which he disputes), state troopers found heroin and body armour in the car.

The Court, in a unanimous opinion by Justice Kennedy, stated “[f]ew protections are as essential to individual liberty as the right to be free from unreasonable searches and seizures.” The Court criticized the Government’s proposed rule that drivers of rental cars whose names are not on the rental agreement always lack an expectation of privacy, because the rental company has not explicitly authorized them as drivers, as too restrictive. But the Court also disagreed with Byrd’s contention that the sole occupant of a car always has a reasonable expectation of privacy via mere possession and control, because that would afford privacy expectations to people who would have no such expectation, such as a car thief. The Court remanded the case on this issue. NPR discusses the implications that both McCoy and Byrd have for individual rights in criminal justice cases.

Murphy v. NCAA

Murphy v. NCAA also received significant news coverage, as it invalidated a federal statute that prohibited modifications or repeal of state-law prohibitions on sports gambling. More specifically, the Court held that the statute unconstitutionally “commandeered” the regulatory power of States in contravention of New York v. United States and the Tenth Amendment. USA Today notes states now have the opportunity to legalize sports gambling “as they see fit,” and the Washington Post explores other implications here. As Forbes notes, however, states do not have to legalize such gambling and can regulate it in a variety of ways. The case also suggests that the Trump administration’s efforts to require state and local government cooperation in immigration enforcement faces an uphill battle.

Justice Breyer joined most of Justice Alito’s majority opinion but joined the portion of Justice Ginsburg’s dissent that addressed “severability,” the fate of the parts of the statute that were not expressly held unconstitutional but that the majority held could not be separated from the unconstitutional portion. Stephen Wermiel of SCOTUSblog explains how this case may not be 6-3 or 7-2 but rather 6-1-2. (Severability was last a major issue in the first Obamacare case, NFIB v. Sebelius.)

United States v. Sanchez-Gomez and Dahda v. United States

In a unanimous decision, the Court vacated and remanded a case for mootness. U.S. v. Sanchez-Gomez dealt with a challenge to full restraints used during non-jury, pretrial proceedings. The restraints at issue in this case include full five-point restraints where the “defendant’s feet are shackled together and a waist chain connects to tightly restrain their cuffed hands,” Jurist reports. The Court declined to reach the merits of the claim, however, but made clear that there were other ways defendants subjected to this practice could litigate its constitutionality. And in the 8-0 decision in Dahda v. U.S. (Justice Gorsuch was recused), the Court analyzed the use of wiretapping as a means by which to intercept communications of drug dealers in Kansas, and rejected the argument that the orders were facially insufficient under the relevant statute, 18 U.S.C. §2518(3).

The Court will continue to release opinions through May and June, so don’t forget to check back with ISCOTUSnow for updates!

ISCOTUS Editorial Coordinator Anna Jirschele, Chicago-Kent Class of 2018, ISCOTUS Fellow Zoe Arthurson-McColl, Chicago-Kent Class of 2020, and ISCOTUS Co-Director and Chicago-Kent faculty member Carolyn Shapiro contributed to this post.

The Rise and Fall of the No-Litmus-Test Rule

For decades, presidential candidates disclaimed the idea that they would have “litmus tests” for their nominees to the Supreme Court. Republicans and Democrats alike agreed that to demand that their judicial nominees decide particular cases particular ways would be wrong. Judicial litmus tests were bad. They were what candidates accused opponents of having. In the 2016 election, this taboo was exploded.

The idea of a Supreme Court litmus test first became prominent in post-Roe v. Wade debates over the right to abortion. The 1980 Republican platform included a promise to “work for the appointment of judges at all levels of the judiciary who respect traditional family values and the sanctity of innocent human life,” and the party’s nominee, Ronald Reagan, denounced Roe. Yet Reagan always insisted that he would not use opposition to the decision as a requirement for his Supreme Court nominees. Democrats nonetheless attacked Reagan throughout his presidency for having an abortion litmus test. Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan went so far as to declare “ideological tests for the judiciary” a form of “corruption.”

In 1988, both major party candidates disclaimed having any litmus tests for Court appointments. Four years later, then-incumbent George H.W. Bush again rebuffed accusations that he had any litmus tests. Bush supporters attacked Democratic nominee Bill Clinton when he indicated that a commitment to upholding Roe would be a requirement for his Court nominees. Clinton and his advisors tried to steer clear of the litmus-test label. They ultimately chose largely to sidestep the Court as a campaign issue.

In 2000 and again in 2004, George W. Bush came out strongly in support of a pro-life position on abortion, yet he too insisted he would not make opposition to Roe a litmus test for his Court appointments.

The 2016 election shattered what previously had been a stable precedent that presidential candidates must openly reject litmus tests for potential Supreme Court appointments. In the Democratic primary, Bernie Sanders declared that his nominees would have to be committed to overturning Citizens United, even embracing the previously verboten “litmus test” label. Clinton matched Sanders by also stating opposition to Citizens United would be a litmus test. She then upped the ante by declaring that she would have “a bunch of litmus tests” for her nominees.

Clinton: ‘I have a bunch of litmus tests’ for Supreme Court nomineesOn the other side, Trump went on record declaring opposition to Roe and support for religious liberty and for Heller as litmus tests for his nominees.

Legal commentator and newspaper editors protested the apparent fall of the no-litmus-test norm, but their criticism had little effect on the candidates.

Whether there is any life left in the no-litmus-test norm is a question that will be answered in future presidential elections.

This post was written by ISCOTUS Co-Director and Chicago-Kent Faculty Member Christopher W. Schmidt. It is the fifth of a multi-part ISCOTUS series on the Supreme Court and the 2016 presidential election.

 

April Argument Review IV – Race Discrimination and Voting

On April 24, the Court heard arguments in Abbott v. Perez, the third redistricting case that the justices have heard this Term. Unlike the other cases, Gill v. Whitford and Benisek v. Lamone, which involved partisan gerrymandering, this case involves allegations of racially discriminatory redistricting in violation of the Voting Rights Act and/or the Equal Protection Clause.

The case is a 2017 challenge to congressional and state legislative districts created by the Texas Republican-controlled legislature in 2011 and 2013. The three-judge district court concluded that the federal congressional district impermissibly diluted Hispanic voters and that the state legislative district constituted an unconstitutional racial gerrymander. The three-judge district court then ordered the Texas Attorney General to issue a written advisory within three days stating whether the legislature would hold a special session to address the redistricting, and if not, the parties were ordered to appear before the court to prepare remedial redistricting plans. The state of Texas appealed the decision the the Supreme Court.

The plaintiffs argue that the district court order is not an interlocutory injunction that the Court can yet review, while the state of Texas argues that while the order did not include the word injunction, it functioned as one. Thus, before considering the substantive issues as to whether the districts are unlawful, the Court must consider whether it has jurisdiction to hear the case at all.

Scott Keller, Texas Solicitor General, attempted to begin by arguing the state legislature did not have a racially discriminatory purpose when it adopted the court-drawn maps, but Justice Sotomayor directed him to address whether the Court had jurisdiction to consider the case, as the three-judge district court had not issued or denied an injunction. Mr. Keller spent most of his time addressing the jurisdictional question, arguing that when the district court ordered the state to appear for expedited court-drawn redistricting, the order functioned as an injunction. Justice Breyer posited that if the Court treated the order as an appealable injunction, the Court would hear thousands of appeals from similar orders from three-judge courts, and prompted Mr. Keller to point out where the order “says injunction denied or says injunction granted from which there is an appeal.”

U.S. Solicitor General Edwin Kneedler, arguing on behalf of the United States in support of Texas, spent more time discussing the merits. He stated that whether the district enacted by the state legislature in 2013 was impermissibly discriminatory depends on the intent of the legislature at that time. “Here,” he argued, “the presumption of good faith is particularly strong” because the plans that the legislature adopted were created by the district court “following this Court’s careful instructions.”

Max Renea Hicks, arguing on behalf of the plaintiffs, referenced a quip by Justice Scalia from his dissent in Syked v. United States. “Insanity is doing the same thing over and over again and expecting a different result,” he stated. “[T]he Texas legislature is not insane. It knows how to do redistricting maps. . . with respect to diminishing minority voting rights.  So I would ask the Court to look at it this way: if you’ve done it in 2011 and you know the outcome of it, discrimination is doing the same thing over and over again and expecting and achieving exactly the same results.”

Allison J. Riggs, also arguing on behalf of the plaintiffs, also emphasized that Texas adopted the court-made district in 2013 “as a mask for the discriminatory intent that had manifested itself just two years ago.” Justice Alito pushed Ms. Riggs, asking “what is your evidence that the state adopted the plan previously approved by the court for an invidious reason?” To this, Ms. Riggs responded that the “legislature ignored the explicit warnings of the district court that its ruling was preliminary; it wasn’t done looking” and adopted the plan regardless.

More information about the case and the argument is available in Amy Howe’s summary for SCOTUSblog.

ISCOTUS Fellow Elisabeth Hieber, Chicago-Kent Class of 2019, contributed to this post, which was edited by ISCOTUS Editorial Coordinator Anna Jirschele, Chicago-Kent Class of 2018, and overseen by ISCOTUS Co-Director and Chicago-Kent faculty member Carolyn Shapiro.

Opinions – The Calm Before the Storm

The Supreme Court is expected to issue opinions on Monday morning, May 14. Virtually all of the major cases argued this Term, even some from October, are yet to be decided, and the Court is off to its slowest start in many years, so Monday could be a bit of a blockbuster.

But as we wait for the latest opinions, let’s look back at the Court’s three most recent opinions — all issued during the week of April 2. The most politically charged of those opinions was Jesner v. Arab Bank, in which, by a 5-4 vote, the Court held that foreign corporations may not be defendants in suits brought under the ATS. Justice Kennedy delivered the opinion, joined in part by Chief Justice Roberts, Thomas, Alito, and Gorsuch. (Justice Thomas also filed a concurring opinion, andJustices Alito and Gorsuch filed opinions concurring in part and concurring in the judgment.)J ustice Sotomayor filed a 34-page dissent, joined by Justices Breyer, Kagan, and Ginsburg.

The ATS is a provision of the Judiciary Act of 1789 that grants district courts original jurisdiction over “any civil action by an alien for a tort only, committed in violation of the law of nations or a treaty of the United States.” Under the ATS, the petitioners, foreign nationals injured or killed by terrorist attacks between 1995 and 2005 in Israel, the West Bank, and Gaza, brought suit against Arab Bank, PLC, a foreign corporation that allegedly facilitated the acts of terrorism that caused their injuries. The United States District Court of the Eastern District of New York dismissed their claims after the Second Circuit’s decision in Kiobel v. Royal Dutch Petroleum Co., which held that foreign corporations could not be sued under the ATS (the Court affirmed the holding in Kiobel, but on the grounds that claims cannot normally be brought pursuant to the ATS when all conduct relevant to the suit took place outside of the United States). The Second Circuit affirmed the dismissal, which the petitioners appealed, and the Supreme Court affirmed.

The five-justice majority emphasized that Congress enacted the ATS to “promote harmony in international relations by ensuring foreign plaintiffs a remedy for international law violations”, in order to discourage litigation against the United States. This case, the Court emphasized, does the opposite. “At a minimum, the relatively minor connection between the terrorist attacks at issue in this case and the alleged conduct in the United States well illustrates the perils of extending the scope of ATS liability to foreign national corporations like Arab Bank,” stated Kennedy in the opinion. “For 13 years, this litigation has ‘caused significant diplomatic tensions’ with Jordan, a critical ally in one of the world’s most sensitive regions.”

The dissent argued that, by “categorically foreclosing foreign corporate liability” under the ATS, the Court is “[absolving] corporations from responsibility under the ATS for conscience-shocking behavior.” Analogizing to Citizens United v. SEC, Justice Sotomayor concluded that by shielding corporations from liability under the ATS, the Court “allows these entities to take advantage of the significant benefits of the corporate form and enjoy fundamental rights, without having to shoulder attendant fundamental responsibilities.”

While Joan Biskupic at CNN, writes that Jesner is evidence of increasing tension between the liberal and conservative blocs on the Court, Walter Olson, at the Cato Institute, argues that the decision “[confirms] that is it up to Congress, not the judiciary, to decide whether and when American courts should entertain international human rights cases against foreign defendants.”

Oil States Energy Services, LLC v. Greene’s Energy Group, LLC , one of the most highly-anticipated intellectual property opinions of the Term, was written by Justice Thomas. The only dissenters were Justice Gorsuch, who wrote an opinion, and Chief Justice Roberts, who joined him. This case was about inter partes review – an administrative process that allows the Patent and Trade Office (“PTO”) to reconsider and cancel patents that were (allegedly) improperly issued because they fail the novelty or nonobviousness standards. The Court upheld this procedure against claims that it violates Article III or the Seventh Amendment jury right., holding that Congress had properly delegated inter partes review to the PTO, and that “the Seventh Amendment poses no independent bar to the adjudication of that action by a nonjury factfinder.” In the related case of SAS Institute, Inc. v. Iancu, the Court held, 5-4, that when it undertakes inter partes review, the PTO must consider all of the challenges raised to the patent.

Adam Liptak of The New York Times writes that supporters of inter partes review see it as a way to combat “patent trolls” – companies that obtain patents and then, rather than use the patents, demand royalties and sue for damages. Critics of the decision have said that the Court is undermining the stability and effectiveness of patents as property rights that form the foundation of the U.S. innovation economy. And Joe Nocera explored the views of different industries in Bloomberg, painting a picture of tech companies on one side (supporting inter partes review because of how often patents are challenged in court) against drug companies on the other side (criticizing inter partes review because it cuts down on their ability to build “patent fortresses” around a branded drug to maintain that drug’s profitability). In addition, Nocera writes that patent examiners may not be getting it right the first time because the Patent and Trademark Office is entirely overwhelmed with patent applications –receiving upwards of 640,000 applications each year, with only around 8,000 patent examiners.

ISCOTUS Fellows Elisabeth Hieber, Chicago-Kent Class of 2019, and Eva Dickey, Chicago-Kent Class of 2020, contributed to this post, which was edited by ISCOTUS Editorial Coordinator Anna Jirschele, Chicago-Kent Class of 2018, and overseen by ISCOTUS Co-Director and Chicago-Kent faculty member Carolyn Shapiro.

The Court and the 2016 Election—Lessons From History

When it comes to the role of the Supreme Court on the presidential campaign trail, how does the 2016 election compare to past elections? For all its precedent-shattering and unpredictable qualities, the 2016 campaign basically fell into a predictable dynamic when it came to the candidates’ treatment of the Court.

Image result for nixon supreme court

As I discussed in my earlier posts in this series on the Court and the 2016 election, although the future of the Court played a major role in the election for many voters and for advocacy groups, the candidates themselves showed relatively little interest in the issue. This limited interest only decreased as Election Day approached. In my last post, I offered factors that help explain why neither Trump nor Clinton demonstrated much interest in making the future of the Court a central campaign issue. In this post, I turn to history to show that the Court has always been a difficult issue on the campaign trail for presidential candidates. Continue reading

The Court and the 2016 Election—Explaining the Forgotten Issue

As I discussed in my earlier posts on the Supreme Court and the 2016 presidential election, although the future of the Court played a major role in the election for many voters and for advocacy groups, the candidates themselves seemed uninterested in the issue. Trump released a list from which he promised to select a nominee for Justice Scalia’s vacant seat and he made brief reference to the Court in his stump speeches, but he spent most of his time on the campaign trail on other topics. Clinton rarely mentioned the Court. When she did, it was usually in response to a direct question. The candidates’ limited engagement with the Court only decreased as they got closer to Election Day.

In this post I offer four factors that help explain why neither Trump nor Clinton demonstrated much interest in making the future of the Court a central campaign issue. Continue reading

The Court and the 2016 Election—Great Expectations

In the lead-up to virtually every presidential election over the past few decades, legal commentators and journalists have predicted that the future of the Supreme Court would feature prominently as a campaign issue. But these predictions have been consistently wrong—or at least considerably inflated. While the Court has featured as an issue on the campaign trail in every election since the 1960s, it has never been, with only rare exceptions, a prominent campaign issue.

The 2016 election was going to be different. Surely this time the Supreme Court would be one of the leading issues on the campaign trail. Justice Scalia’s death in February 2016 left a Court that was evenly divided between four ideologically conservative Republican-appointed Justices and four liberal Democratic-appointed Justices. Rarely has the direction of the Court been so clearly in the balance. When Republican senators refused to hold hearings on President Obama’s nominee to the Court, Judge Merrick Garland, Democrats predicted that their opponents would pay a price at the polls. Indeed, the justification Republicans gave for why they refused to hold hearings was that they believed the voters should have a chance to express their views on the direction of the Supreme Court. Now the voters had their opportunity. Continue reading

The Supreme Court and the 2016 Presidential Election

What role did the Supreme Court play in the 2016 election? This is the question I consider in an article that will be published in a forthcoming issue of the Chicago-Kent Law Review. The article is based on a paper I presented at a symposium organized by ISCOTUS last fall; the law review will be publishing an entire issue of articles from the symposium.

Image result for 2016 election

My article focuses how Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton used the Court as a campaign issue. My central finding is this: Although the Court was an unusually significant factor when people cast their votes in this election, the major party candidates themselves did not seem particularly interested in pressing the Court as a major campaign issue. My articles explains why. Continue reading

Conference Report: April 13, 2018 Conference

On Monday, the Supreme Court asked the United States Solicitor General to weigh in on four petitions for certiorari when it released the Order List from its April 13 Conference. And it denied the petition filed by former Illinois Governor Rod Blagojevich, who was convicted of seeking campaign contributions in exchange for official acts. Blagojevich was sentenced to fourteen years in prison and still has six left to serve, unless he receives a presidential pardon or commutation. Background both about the case in general and about the cert petition is provided in this Chicago Tribute article. Media Matters notes here that Blagojevich’s wife, Patti, appeared on Fox News on Monday appealing to President Trump for a pardon.

The cases in which the Court requested the views of the SG include Kansas v. Garcia, which addresses two issues relating to the interaction of Immigration Reform and Control Act (IRCA) and state criminal law. First, does the IRCA preempt states from using any information gathered on the federal I-9 form — the forms employers must collect from their employees to demonstrate eligibility to work in this country — including name, date of birth, social security number, etc., when that same information also appears on non-IRCA documents such as tax forms, leases and credit applications. (IRCA provides that information provided on the I-9 can be used for only very limited purposes.) And second, if IRCA prevents states from using said information for any purpose, whether the Constitution permits Congress to so broadly preempt states from using their traditional police power to prosecute state law crimes.

In Gilead Sciences, Inc. v. U.S., ex rel. Campie, et al., the Court is asked to address an issue with the False Claims Act. The False Claims Act permits private individuals, known as relators, as well as the government itself, to sue entities that are overbilling, underdelivering, or otherwise defrauding the federal government about the use of federal dollars. The question in Gilead Sciences is whether an allegation under the Act fails when the government continued to approve and pay for products after learning of alleged regulatory infractions and the pleadings offer no basis for overcoming a strong inference of immateriality arising from those continued payments.

Finally, the Court asked the Solicitor General to weigh-in on two original jurisdiction cases. In Missouri, v. California, several egg-producing states are attempting to challenge California’s regulations that allow the sale of eggs in California only if the chickens that produce them are maintained under certain conditions, including, for example, being cage-free. And Indiana v. Massachusetts presents similar complaints about Massachusetts laws addressing the treatment of farm animals.

Anna Jirschele, ISCOTUS Editorial Coordinator and Chicago-Kent Class of 2018, and Carolyn Shapiro, ISCOTUS Co-Director and Chicago-Kent faculty member, contributed to this post.

Argument Review: March 27, 2018 — When the Supreme Court Can’t Agree

On Tuesday, March 27, the Court heard oral arguments in Hughes v. United States. The underlying legal issue in Hughes involves certain criminal defendants’ eligibility for sentence reductions. That fairly technical legal issue was previously considered by the Court in Freeman v. United States, which had no majority opinion. Instead, there was a four-justice plurality and a concurrence by Justice Sotomayor, which offered a different rationale from the plurality. Due to the lack of a clear majority and the nature of the reasoning of the different opinions, the lower courts have struggled with how to apply Freeman in subsequent cases. Thus, Hughes also presented important questions about reliance on Supreme Court decisions that lack a majority.

More specifically, Hughes included questions presented about a 1977 case called Marks v. United States, long understood to provide the basic rule for plurality decisions — that the most narrowly-reasoned opinion necessary for the judgment is controlling. In Regents of University of California v. Bakke, for example, four justices would have held that any race-consciousness in university admissions violated federal law. Justice Powell, however, believed that the particular admissions decision at issue was illegal but also believed that race could be taken into account under some circumstances. And pursuant to the Marks rule, Justice Powell’s opinion was long understood to be the controlling opinion in Bakke, as the Supreme Court itself acknowledged. The problem in Hughes emerged because Freeman involved a concurrence whose reasoning had no common rationale with the plurality.

This Marks problem occupied a significant part of the oral argument. When Chief Justice Roberts and Justice Alito asked petitioner’s attorney, Eric Shumsky, how best to apply Marks in this case, Shumsky argued that the Court should “refine” Marks by applying a “subset test,” looking for a common denominator in the Justices’ opinions. But Justice Alito challenged him on what would constitute a “logical subset” in his test, comparing the Justices to nine people who want to see a movie, four of whom want to see a romantic comedy, of which two want to see a romantic comedy in French, and four of whom want to see a mystery. Justice Alito pressed Shumsky on whether the two who want to see a romantic comedy in French are a “logical subset” of those who want to see a romantic comedy. After Shumsky indicated that they probably would be so, Justice Alito said that is problematic because the other two who want to see a romantic comedy might not want to see anything in a foreign language and might even prefer a mystery to seeing something not in English. Shumsky acknowledged the test may be imperfect.

Rachel Kovner argued on behalf of the United States. She argued against the approach adopted by two circuit courts which treat divided decisions of the Court as having no precedential value unless the separate opinions have the same reasoning. Kovner argued that that approach contradicts what the Court said in Marks, is inconsistent with how the Court has applied Marks, and undermines the principle of stare decisis. Justice Ginsburg noted that for many years it was thought that a single opinion can be controlling when the decision is 4-4-1, as in Bakke. Kovner said the reason for allowing such an opinion to be controlling is that it was thought that the majority’s reasoning supports that opinion’s application. Justice Kagan challenged her by noting that in some cases the “middle ground” positions seem “utterly incoherent” to other Justices. And Justice Breyer resisted the call to systemetize Marks, explaining that “law is part art and part science,” and that hard-and-fast rules about how to read opinions will always be inadequate.

The question of how to understand and apply Marks has garnered much commentary. UCLA law professor Richard Re filed an amicus brief in support of neither party arguing for abandoning Marks altogether, and his brief was repeatedly discussed at oral argument. A shorter version of his argument is available here. Other commentary, noting the implications of the Marks question for environmental law, is here, and Justin Marceau for SCOTUSblog covered the argument and the justices’ apparent reluctance to dramatically change Marks here.

ISCOTUS Fellow Bridget Flynn, Chicago-Kent Class of 2019, ISCOTUS Editorial Coordinator Anna Jirschele, Chicago-Kent Class of 2020, ISCOTUS Co-Director and Chicago-Kent faculty member Carolyn Shapiro contributed to this post.